CONSUMER BEHAVIOR FROM A
CONTEMPORARY PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE PERSPECTIVE: AN ORGANIZATIONAL FRAMEWORK
Julia M. Bristor, The
University of Michigan
ABSTRACT
This paper
extends an earlier argument that the field of consumer behavior should be
organized along philosophic dimensions that highlight differences in approaches
to research. In drawing upon philosophies of science that are more contemporary
t an logical empiricism, an organizational framework employing three dimensions
is Presented.
INTRODUCTION
While
logical empiricist philosophy has had a dominating influence on consumer
behavior research, more contemporary philosophies of science have an important
role to play, yet their impacts and contributions are only beginning to be
explicitly recognized. In a departure from the logical empiricist's insistence
on the single scientific method (Hunt 1983) it has been clearly shown that
theories which have evolved from different philosophies and research traditions
embody different ontological and axiomatic assumptions, and epistemological
criteria (Anderson 1982, 1984; Morgan 1980; Morgan and Smircich 1980; and
Pfeffer 1982). Due in part to its multidisciplinary heritage, the field of
consumer behavior supports allegiances to a variety of different, and as will be
shown, often incompatible, research traditions and philosophies. As a result,
consumer behavior has proven very difficult to organize, or synthesize, into a
general theory. Past efforts have attempted to organize the field by
contributing discipline (Zielinski and Robertson 1981) and by topic (Helgeson
et al 1984); general theories of consumer behavior (e.g., Howard 1977; Engel
and Blackwell 1982) have been very useful as pedagogical tools but have been
largely unoperationalizable. Lack of success at both endeavors is due to the
failure to explicitly consider fundamental philosophic issues. Organizational
schemes which fail to account for underlying philosophic assumptions, and
general theories which attempt to combine philosophically incompatible mid-range
theories cannot be particularly productive.
This paper,
and its predecessor (Bristor 1984) depart from orthodox thought to argue
strongly that a general theory of consumer behavior is neither desirable nor
appropriate at this time. Instead, efforts should be directed toward building
an organizational framework by drawing upon philosophy of science so as to
delineate and highlight differences in assumptions and approaches to consumer
behavior research along dimensions that explain why these differences exist.
The purpose of the present paper is to present the three dimensions that are
seen to best organize the field in such a way that assumes, identifies, and
then highlights a variety of fundamental philosophic assumptions 2nd methods
that have been brought to bear on consumer behavior research. To better
understand theory-method linkages, it is imperative to specifically identify
the fundamental philosophic assumptions and implications inherent in consumer
behavior theories.
Three
dimensions, perspective on consumer behavior, level of analysis, and empirical
problem context will provide the foundation for building the desired framework.
These three dimensions are all subsumed under a general consumer behavior
paradigm which serves as an umbrella over the dimensions by specifying the
phenomena and problems of interest, and delineating rough boundaries for the
field (Bristor 1984). Before detailing the dimensions and their research
implications, it is necessary to consider in general terms the role of philosophy
of science in consumer behavior research and the contributions that a
philosophy of science based framework can make.
THE ROLE OF PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE
IN CONSUMER BEHAVIOR RESEARCH
Considering
its fundamental impact on the research process, philosophy of science has been
a seriously neglected issue in consumer behavior research. Failure to consider
the implications of philosophy of science and to identify the philosophic
underpinnings of a theory has often confused and exacerbated research
disagreements. For example, the recent circular dialogue between Calder,
Phillips and Tybout (1981, 1982, 1983), Lynch (1982, 1983) and McGrath and
Brinberg (1983) is a case where the underlying philosophic and methodological
issues were never identified and addressed and thus the result was confusion,
not resolution. Much of the dispute centers around the role of external and
construct validity in consumer behavior research and their relationship to one
another. It is not until the fourth paper of the series that Lynch (1983)
points out, almost as an afterthought in a footnote, that the two parties
employ the term construct validity differently. Unfortunately Calder et al's
(1983) reply fails to pick up on this critical distinction. Instead, they
return to a rehash of their earlier arguments in which they claim to be
adhering to Popper's-notions of falsificationism. Without passing judgment on
falsification as a philosophy of science, it must be noted that Calder et al
appear to selectively extract bits of the philosophy that advance their
position but do not fully understand or interpret it. The dialogue is capped by
the introduction of a new validity framework (McGrath and Brinberg 1983) that
attempts to smooth over past differences. Despite its merits, there still remains
the fundamental problem that until terminology is clarified and philosophic
positions better understood, each party's arguments will be largely
misinterpreted, misunderstood or ignored by the others.
Two
important philosophic concepts, paradigms and metaphors, were introduced
earlier (Bristor 1984) to show how and why different research approaches were
inherent in consumer behavior. To summarize, paradigms refer to the
Weltanschauung, worldviews or frames of reference through which researchers
approach their scientific tasks. In the context of this framework, each
dimension constitutes a paradigm; the general consumer behavior paradigm
represents a unifying or shared Weltanschauung while the other three paradigms
serve to highlight different approaches to consumer behavior research.
Metaphors
are representations of phenomena; broader than just a simple literary illusion,
they provide a means for creating, representing and communicating scientific
knowledge (Morgan and Smircich 1980). Both theories and models can be thought
of as metaphors. For the purposes of this organizational framework, the focus
will be on theories as metaphors. This is intended to emphasize that they
present only partial or one-sided views of reality (Morgan 1980). Because of
this, a variety of metaphors can and should be employed to gain a fuller
understanding of consumer behavior phenomena. Thus, the proposed framework can
both organize the field in a manner that makes the philosophic assumptions upon
which metaphors or theories are grounded explicit, as well as making consumer
behavior researchers more aware of the range of approaches available.
FRAMEWORK CONTRIBUTIONS
In addition
to framework benefits suggested earlier (Bristor 1984), the framework makes
three other major contributions. First, the framework can be used to delineate
a set of conceptual problems found in consumer behavior research.
Traditionally, philosophies of science have focused on a variety of empirical
problems, which usually exist within the context of a theory, while virtually
ignoring broader, more important conceptual problems. These can occur when two
theories are in conflict with one another, when a theory conflicts with a
methodology or when a theory is incompatible with "extra-scientific
beliefs" in areas such as metaphysics, theology, logic or ethics (Laudan
1977). As Laudan notes, scientists who view scientific problems and progress
strictly in empirical terms fail to recognize a major source of a discipline's
problems. This framework does not provide solutions to such conceptual
problems, but, by explicating important philosophic assumptions, it provides a
methodology for identifying the source of conceptual problems.
Secondly,
the framework extends well beyond dominant logical empiricist thought by rejecting
the prevailing notion of the necessity and existence of the single scientific
method. It explicitly acknowledges that there are and should be multiple
scientific methods and that there exist no universal or objective criteria by
which to evaluate the knowledge that each produces. This position is consistent
with a relativistic view of science which holds that different research groups
will utilize different standards to judge the scientific adequacy of knowledge
claims (Anderson 1983 and Peter and Olson 1983).
Finally, the
framework provides a means for critically evaluating the usage of theories that
were developed in the context of another discipline or research tradition and
transferred into consumer behavior. Transfers have always posed problems in the
social sciences. For example, Anderson (1984) illustrates several problems
resulting from marketing's uncritical adoption of the concept of shareholder
wealth maximization from financial theory. The family life cycle (FLC) is an
excellent example of a concept that was taken from another field and altered
substantially. Originating in rural sociology, the FLC was developed as a
processual model to explain and describe family growth development over time.
Unfortunately, this has been all but lost on consumer behaviorists and
marketers who have generally used the concept as a classificatory scheme (c.f.
Wells and Gubar 1966 and Murphy and Staples 1979). More recently, Wagner and
Hanna (1983) compared the FLC to family composition variables with respect to their
ability to predict clothing expenditures. While these researchers all ask well
founded questions, they do not appropriately reflect the original and
theoretical underpinnings as developed in rural sociology. While alterations
may in fact be necessary in the cross-discipline or research tradition transfer
of theory, (see Bristor and Qualls, forthcoming, for suggestions how this might
be done with the FLC) it is imperative that researchers understand precisely
what they are altering and the implications, philosophically and theoretically,
of doing so. The main point is that a better understanding of the goals, axioms
and assumptions of theories would help prevent misapplications as well as
specious distinctions and comparisons between theories, and would better
facilitate knowledge development in consumer behavior. The following three
dimensions of the framework will contribute toward achieving this
understanding.
PERSPECTIVE ON CONSUMER BEHAVIOR
A critical
philosophic dimension that guides consumer behavior inquiry relates to the
perspective adopted by a researcher with respect to the causes or determinants
of consumer behavior. The importance of a theory's perspective on consumer
behavior is that basic assumptions about the antecedents of behavior have strong
implications for the choice of variables and appropriate research
methodologies. Furthermore, these assumptions may lead to one theory being
incompatible with another in the sense that they cannot be combined without
altering or violating the basic ontological and axiomatic assumptions about
behavior upon which they are grounded. This argument may be used to explain why
gene a l models or theories of consumer behavior that have attempted to
integrate several mid-range theories have never been satisfactorily
operationalized. For example, operationalizing reference group theory and
learning theory together in the Engel and Blackwell model (1982) has not been
achieved, not for lack of "good" research but because of the vastly
different philosophic orientations of the two theories.
As adapted
from Pfeffer's (1982) 'perspectives on action' in organizational theory, three
general perspectives can be identified: 1) consumer behavior seen as purposive,
boundedly or intentionally rational and prospective or goal directed; 2)
consumer behavior seen as externally constrained or situationally determined;
and 3) consumer behavior seen as random and dependent on an emergent, unfolding
process. The first two perspectives are based on the stimulus-response paradigm
which assumes that behavioral consequents are predictable from antecedent
stimuli. The third perspective rejects such a notion and maintains that, to the
extent that prediction is possible, it is from knowledge of the unfolding
process rather than a priori conditions (Pfeffer 1982). While the three
perspectives are not philosophically compatible, they are all necessary for the
development of consumer behavior knowledge. There is a danger in employing only
one perspective because researchers often fail to challenge the appropriateness
or consider explicitly the implications stemming from the assumptions inherent
in each perspective.
Consumer as Purposive, Boundedly
or Intentionally Rational and Prospective or Goal Directed
This first
perspective has clearly dominated consumer behavior theory; its origins are
rooted in the Judeo-Christian tradition and the philosophical underpinnings of
American life and culture for which free will and conscious choice are
venerated and idealized (Pfeffer 1982). The essence of the perspective is that
behavior is internally and goal directed, and that choice occurs according to a
consistent set of preferences which maximize value and is thus prospectively
rationally economic and psychological theories of consumer behavior adopt this
perspective.
Examples of
the purposive perspective are numerous. Perhaps the most pervasive theory,
which has itself been identified as one of the five paradigms in marketing
(Arndt 1983), is information processing. Other examples include utility
maximization theory, expectancy value theory, the Fishbein model of behavioral
intentions and other multiattribute attitude models, and Cognitive learning
theories.
The
implications of this perspective are far reaching. First, consumer behavior
phenomena is seen to be a function of individual-specific processes; thus the
source of explanatory variables lies largely within individuals. Secondly, this
perspective also implies that since consumer behavior is caused by certain
variables, knowledge of the independent variable allows inferences to be made
about the dependent variables.
Each
perspective has its own set of problems, caveats and limitations. In this case,
their importance relates in part to how deeply and implicitly rooted this
paradigm is in both scientific and extra-scientific beliefs. This can result in
a failure to consider or challenge the appropriateness of the assumptions
inherent in this perspective when transferring a theory from one discipline to
another or applying it within a particular consumer behavior research context.
In addition, if theories are viewed as metaphors, it is clear that, despite
providing valuable insight and knowledge, it is only one view or explanation of
the consumer behavior phenomenon of interest. With this in mind, it is not surprising
that researchers are typically only able to explain a small amount of variance
in their dependent variables. In the case of the first perspective, a focus on
individual-specific factors will not account for variance due to situational or
external factors.
Consumer Behavior as Externally
Constrained or Situationally Determined
In direct
contrast to the first perspective, the second focuses upon external stimuli and
constraints, rather than upon internal individual-specific variables, to
explain consumer behavior. Thus, behavior is attributed to situational
variables and other external contingencies and demands over which an individual
may have little cognizance or control (Pfeffer 1982). Prediction of behavior is
possible through knowledge of independent variables, and given certain-
behaviors or other dependent variables, it is possible to reconstruct or make
inferences about explanatory variables. To the extent that cognitions are
considered, they are after-the-fact, and rationality is retrospective. Examples
of the externally constrained perspective include behavioral theories of
learning, the family life cycle, role theories, reference group theory.
Implications
of this perspective parallel the first in that it specifically suggest where to
look for explanatory variables. However, in this case, they are external to
individuals. Thus, this perspective is often associated with sociological
theories. As far as researcher's abilities to explain variance, the earlier
comments regarding the systematic exclusion of a large group of variables also
apply.
CB as Random and Dependent on an
Emergent, Unfolding Process
Finally, the
third perspective denies that consumer behavior can be predicted from either
knowledge of individual or external variables. Too many individual variables
impact behavior, and knowledge of external variables is insufficient because
they too are numerous and may be very uncertain or ambiguous. While more
difficult to characterize and less homogeneous than are the other two, this
perspective tends to absorb those theories that are inconsistent with the first
two. General characteristics include a rejection of either an internally
directed or externally determined rationality of behavior. Rationality, goals
and preferences emerge from, rather than guide, behavior. Therefore, the focus
of such a perspective is upon the processual, sequential or unfolding nature of
behavior, rather than upon static variables. (Pfeffer 1982).
Within this
perspective, two very different types of approaches are readily identifiable.
Neither group would be described as containing well developed, explanatory
theories such as those found in the first two perspectives. The first group
might be termed mathematical models and the second, qualitative or processual
approaches. In general, mathematical models, such as a stochastic brand
switching model based upon past purchase behaviors, have prediction as their
goal. As such, the underlying assumption is that the best way to predict future
behavior is through knowledge of past behaviors. That is, future behavior
probablistically emerges from past behaviors.
The goals of
the second group, the qualitative or processual approaches, are to identify and
study behavioral antecedents while recognizing that the behavior of interest
cannot be explicitly modelled, a priori, because of its emergent nature. As a
result, these approaches have often not been granted theoretical status under
logical empiricist criteria but have more frequently been classified as
qualitative methodologies Under logical empiricist dogma, qualitative
methodologies do not produce bona-fide knowledge and are permissible in the
context of discovery, but not justification (Hunt 1983). However, this
separation of discovery and justification has been shown to be a sophistic
distinction (Suppe 1977). More contemporary philosophies recognize that both
qualitative and quantitative research methodologies can achieve a variety of
cognitive ends (Anderson 1984). Some recent trends in the consumer behavior
literature would suggest that many researchers are finding that traditional
logical empiricist methodological prescriptions can only develop our knowledge
base so far and only in certain directions. Indeed, there is a great deal of
consumer behavior phenomena that cannot be captured by s ta tic models and
measures, but must be studied by dynamic, processual approaches. The potential
knowledge gains from the study of symbolism (Levy 1959 and Solomon 1983),
consumer mythology (Levy 1981), or the experiential aspects of consumption
(Holbrook and Hirschman 1982) cannot be summarily ignored or dismissed because
they fail to fit into the logical empiricist philosophy of science. Appropriate
qualitative approaches include ethnomethodologies, hermeneutics, case studies,
network analyses and phenomenology. However, there is no a priori reason why
these qualitative methods cannot be used in conjunction with qualitative
methods, within a particular research tradition, if that would help achieve its
cognitive goals. Furthermore, there is also no a priori reason to think that
the aforementioned topics cannot ultimately be studied via quantitative
methods. One major stumbling block here though is that we have been trained to
see the world as containing linear, non-interactive relationships which do not
capture emergent, processual behaviors. As a result we tend to ignore the
non-linear, interactive relationships or to force them into the mold with which
we are comfortable. In summary, the lack of theoretical knowledge from this
emergent perspective should be accepted as a challenge to consumer behavior
researchers, not as a judgment that it is a useless avenue for knowledge
production.
LEVEL OF ANALYSIS
A second
philosophically derived dimension of the framework that impacts consumer
behavior research is the level of analysis chosen to explain phenomena. Three
levels that are utilized by consumer behavior theories are individual, group
and aggregate. Inherent in this dimension are fundamental beliefs about the
nature of human interaction and social structure (Pfeffer 1982). At issue are
the questions of whether or not groups and aggregations are merely sums of
their individuals or more than the sums, and whether they should be reduced to
the study of individual behaviors or analyzed at higher levels.
All three
levels are vital in consumer behavior inquiry because each provides different
perspectives on, and solutions to, problems. The choice of a theory which
employs theoretical concepts and mechanisms at a particular level has important
philosophic and methodological implications. In addition to reflecting beliefs
about the nature of human interaction and social structure, a particular level
reflects a philosophic preference as to the best way to explain consumer
behavior. It also implies what the appropriate unit for data collection might
be, as well as how to analyze it.
The issue of
the appropriate level of analysis is related to the general problem of data
aggregation. Since few group and aggregate concepts exist in consumer behavior
that have achieved a desirable degree of validity, researchers must often
resort to aggregating individual level measures in their attempts to explain
higher level phenomena. (See Borgatta and Jackson, (1980) for a comprehensive
treatment of data aggregation.) Thus it is critical for the development of
consumer behavior knowledge that the implications stemming from the choice of a
level of analysis and data aggregation techniques be made explicit.
Individual Level
Those who
support the individual level would argue that all consumer behavior is
fundamentally an individual phenomenon. Thus to most productively study
consumer behavior, the focus must be on the individual even when studying group
phenomena. Use of the individual level of analysis is dominant in consumer
behavior theory; examples include attribution theory, attitude theories, and
theories of perception, motivation and learning. In part, this dominance is due
to the fact that analytically, the individual level has achieved the most
sophistication. It is relatively easier to take measurements at the individual
level than to capture social and behavioral phenomena at the group and
aggregate level.
Group Level
Those who
opt for the group level maintain that it is not possible to reduce phenomena to
the individual level because there are theoretical mechanisms operating at the
group level that do not exist at the individual level. Furthers they argue that
individual level analyses can become hopelessly reductionistic down to
biological mechanisms.
Although
Alderson (1956) argued forcefully that the household was the appropriate unit
of analysis and Davis (1976) advocated that the family is the critical decision
making and consumptive unit, consumer behavior researchers have been slow to
develop theories at the group, including the household, level. The cause of the
problem is due in part to the lack of truly group level concepts, and the
methodological difficulties involved in developing them. Future efforts should
be devoted to correcting this deficit. Nonetheless, role theories, reference
group theory, theories of household decision making and diffusion of
innovations all have important contributions to make to consumer behavior
knowledge.
Aggregate Level
Economic
theories have contributed heavily to aggregate level analyses. Rather than a
focus upon individuals or groups, it is upon aggregate phenomena such as demand
curves or consumer sentiments as well as social class and culture. Although
aggregate level theories are rare in consumer behavior research, they too
represent an important and unique perspective on consumer behavior phenomena.
Comments
regarding the methodological problems of aggregating data or developing higher
level concepts are also relevant here. In addition, use of aggregate level data
may fall prey to the ecological fallacy (Robinson 1950) whereby inferences
about individuals are incorrectly made based upon aggregate measures. An
example of such could occur if a researcher wanted to make a statement about an
individual's income based upon a knowledge of a correlation between race and
income.
EMPIRICAL PROBLEM CONTEXT
Finally, the
third framework dimension relates to the context of the empirical problem. An
empirical problem is a substantive question about the phenomena which are a
part of a particular science's domain (Laudan 1977). In this framework, four
problem contexts are relevant: managerial problems, public policy/consumer
welfare problems, consumer problems and theory qua theory problems. In contrast
to the forementioned conceptual problems that may occur within or between
theories, empirical problems always occur within the scope of a particular
frame of reference or theory. Therefore, problems are defined in part by the
context of inquiry. Despite this contextual nature, logical empiricists have
often treated empirical problems as though they were present in the world as
objective pieces of unambiguous data or as if they had a life of their own.
Instead it is well established in more contemporary philosophies of science
that researchers always approach problems through the lens of some conceptual
network (Laudan 1977). A problem in one context may be construed very
differently in another. For example, several researchers might see a grocery
shopper comparing brands of canned tomatoes and define their research problem
very differently. One might be concerned with the positioning of a particular
brand; another might be interested in how consumers actually make comparisons.
In the second case, using canned beans or peaches as a stimulus would be just
as effective. A third researcher might be studying the consumer information
environment and the use of unit pricing labels, while a fourth researcher might
be trying to develop a normative theory for maximally effective shopping
behaviors under time constraints. In other instances, what may be viewed as a
problem in one context may not be in another. For example, the long standing
topic of brand loyalty illustrates this. Consumer behavior researchers with a
social psychology orientation have a tempted to explain brand loyal ar in terms
of factors such attitudes, personality or lifestyle. Among social
psychologists, there has been much controversy over the definition of brand
loyalty and its antecedents However, this group as a whole stands in stark contrast
to mathematic modelers who use stochastic models based upon past purchase
behaviors to predict brand loyalty. Because their goals relate to brand loyalty
prediction, as opposed to explanation, defining and measuring constructs such
as attitudes are not even considered to be a part of the problem. A second
example of this is the casual relationship between cognitions and affect. It is
generally considered axiomatic, not problematic, but to Zajonc and Markus
(1982), whether or not, or when, this relationship occurs is a major research
problem.
Inclusion of
this philosophic dimension in the framework is important for several reasons.
First, this dimension extends beyond logical empiricist philosophies by
demonstrating the contextual, rather than universal nature of empirical
problems. This is not to say that researchers working from different frameworks
cannot communicate or have no shared experiences. By virtue of socialization,
culture and education, researchers to hold a multitude of shared experiences in
common. Secondly, the framework can show that a particular theory is useful in
more than one problem context, but that the goals, assumptions and
methodologies may differ by context. For example, information processing may be
studied in the theory qua theory context to better understand and develop a
theory of short term memory processing of written stimuli. Experimentation
using advertisements as stimuli might be part of the methodology. On the other
hand, a public policy researcher might operationalize, and apply the theory as
given, to set guidelines for regulating the length of time written nutritional
information, should appear on television advertisements. His methodology might
involve showing advertisement to subjects under simulated viewing conditions.
Third, an examination of the forementioned philosophic assumptions and
implications within the problem solving context can help researchers to judge
the appropriateness of their approach. Lastly, the dimension continues to adopt
a contemporary view of science by explicitly recognizing subjective aspects of
science.
Managerial Problems
The
managerial problem solving context has been a major area for consumer behavior
inquiry. This generally involved approaching the research problem from a
fisherman's perspective- catching consumers (Tucker 1974). Such goals have
strong implications for what theories, variables, measures and methodologies
are available for managerial control and thus will be appropriate for problem
solving. Relevant issues and theories from this perspective include forming and
changing consumer perceptions, attitudes and beliefs using multiattribute
attitude models, inducing desired consumer action by moving them up the
hierarchy of effects, or designing an effective promotional message by
utilizing family role theory.
Public Policy/Consumer Welfare
Problems
Empirical
problem in the context of public policy/ consumer's welfare are increasingly
important in consumer behavior research. Although a theory may be used both in
this and the managerial context, a problem is likely to be seen somewhat
differently and the goals of the research, as well as the methods will be very
different. In conducting research to set public policy, assumptions regarding
the nature of consumer behavior and the appropriate level of analysis are of
critical importance. Examples of public policy/consumer welfare problems
include consumer satisfaction/dissatisfaction, information environments and
overload and the effects of advertising on children.
Consumer Problems
The context
of consumer problems has been sorely neglected in consumer behavior research.
Such an approach to consumer behavior involves asking questions from the
consumer's point of view, such as how to be the most effective and efficient
consumer possible. It also involves the study of consumption behaviors rather
than buying behaviors. Relevant topics are only beginning to be considered in
the domain of consumer behavior research. They include: consumption and
disposition (Jacoby 1978); having" behaviors (Belk 1982); experiences such
as consumer fantasies, feelings and fun (Holbrook and Hirschman 1982); and
consumption as a human behavioral phenomenon (Belk 1984).
Theory Qua Theory Problems
This problem
context classifies a type of empirical inquiry whose goal is to study and
understand basic human processes without regard for ultimate applications. When
a particular application is used in this context, its role is to provide a
setting or stimuli, but it is of secondary importance. For example, a researcher
may study the information processing of pictorial versus audio presentations
and use advertisements as stimuli, but the focus is on theory examination
rather than advertising applications. Later research, or another researcher,
may employ the theory for certain managerial applications. The importance of
this theory qua theory context relates to the need to consider research
occurring at the consumer behavior knowledge frontier instead of at the base of
core knowledge. Furthermore, since this context is where substantial advances
in theoretical knowledge occur, and since theories evolving from this type of
research are often transferred to other problem solving contexts for decision
making or evaluative purposes, it is particularly important that the philosophic
assumptions upon which a theory is grounded are clearly specified.
SUMMARY
This paper
continued earlier arguments that a gene al theory of consumer behavior is
neither feasible nor appropriate. Instead, the field should be organized into a
framework using philosophic dimensions that can highlight differences and show
why theories and research approaches are often fundamentally incompatible. Such
an approach rejects logical empiricism in favor of a more contemporary
philosophy of science perspective. Three dimensions, perspective on consumer
behavior, level of analysis, and empirical problem context, were developed for
use in the framework. This represents the second major step in an ongoing
research project. The final step will be to actually employ the framework to
organize the field.
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